the foreign policy

the foreign policy

Piłsudski's ambition was to give Poland a new foreign policy system, different from the Dmowski system, but it was not easy. Russia was threatening, who never forgot her defeat and never considered herself morally bound by any treaty; Kresowiec felt this danger better than Dmowski. But the Germans also threatened, who saw their mission in absorbing the East and did not show that the activities of Gerons and Frederick were condemned. KPP worked for Russia, among the peasants of the borderlands with success. Its aim was not only to give "self-determination" to our Slavic minorities, i.e.. detach Lviv and Vilnius (which the official diplomacy of the Kremlin never did, to year 1939, She did not tell), but also for Germany the convenience of revising the Versailles borders. In April 1926 r. both countries renewed the Rapallo Agreement. Every now and then, an ominous sign of smoldering struggle broke from the underground: such was the case of Bagiński and Wieczorkiewicz, which in 1925 r. Sergeant Muraszko shot dead during the personnel exchange. Such is the case of Sylwester Wojewódzki – in years 1926-1927: Piłsudczyk, liberator, organizer of the communicating NPC; with a defensive agent a Soviet spy, released to Moscow, there again unmasked as a Polish spy and liquidated. The murder of MP Voykov by a Russian émigré did not bode well either. The coup took place 7 June 1927 r. in Warsaw.

In such a situation, it was difficult not to rely on the alliances with France and Romania. Alists in France for a year 1924 the left ruled; in England, the influence of the Labor Party grew; both give way to "democratic" Germany. Skrzyński was to win them over with a humanitarian gesture, but since he brought Locarno, so Piłsudski did not want to talk about politics with him; he preferred Zaleski with his English orientation. Under this condition, Poland will play [she had] an independent role in Central and Eastern Europe, no longer as a customer of France. Piłsudski meant it, that the little entente would secure Poland and Romania from the east as much as possible, and did not secure the Czech from the west. He would gladly introduce Hungary there instead of the Czech Republic, if not for the Hungarian-Romanian conflict over Transylvania. From the Baltic Sea, the marshal looked away, since it came out, that Latvia would like to be an autonomous province of Russia. Estonia missed Sweden rather, Finland preferred to secure in Germany than in Poland, and Lithuania preached in the old way, that he is with our Republic at war.

To press this insane stubbornness against the wall, the first marshal went to Geneva for the session of the League of Nations Council. There, after talking with delegates of the great powers, he sharply asked Prime Minister Voldemaras: war or peace. When he choked out "peace", the Council recommended direct negotiations to both parties and offered help. It was the only effect of the trip, a second success after May. The first one was the choice of Poland for years 3 as a non-permanent member. I am talking about a non-permanent seat in the League of Nations Council.
The mentioned election was made in Geneva 16 October 1926 r. Both successes for the elections came in handy.

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