Recognition of the eastern borders of the state

Recognition of the eastern borders of the state

Office, who separated the Polish national right from power received a vote of confidence (23 I 1923 r.) even from Ruthenians and Belarusians, he could count on favor also from Western radical circles. The eastern border of the Republic was recognized by the Soviets (which up to 1939 r. they will never question her rights to Lviv), Romania and all the Baltic states recognized it. Kaunas Lithuania, adhering to the Piłsudski Agreement of Suwałki, did not recognize it, while excited from Moscow and did not recognize Western powers either, which hardly ever got on [recognition] countries detached from [Russia]. Nevertheless, after Genoa and Rapallo, the need to stabilize order in the east was better understood. Surprisingly, Lithuania has simplified our task on its own, occupying in January [1923 r.] by rape Klaipeda, administered by superpowers. Minister Skrzyński seized this moment, to obtain recognition of the eastern borders from the great powers. France was prone to it, as an ally; Italy, from the end [1922] years under Mussolini, she saw in Poland a barrier against Bolshevism. The most difficult task, i.e.. MEP Skirmunt met in London for the approval of Great Britain. 15 brand 1923 year, the Council [Ambassadors] she made up her mind, which recognized the line of the Treaty of Riga as the border of Poland from the side of the Republic of Soviets, and from the Lithuanian side – trail carried out in a year 1922 by experts of the League of Nations. They wanted to satisfy Lithuania with Klaipeda (with a large German majority) i 8 On May, an agreement was concluded with Kaunas, which, however, the Lithuanian government did not respect, because it did not give Poland access to the mouth of the Nemunas.

The whole of Poland was happy with the success of Sikorski's cabinet and all welcomed the presence of Marshal Foch at the unveiling of the monument of. Józef Poniatowski. The former head of the NKN military department cemented Dmowski's political structure in the east. It was also about strong bonds from the inside.


If rightly accused abroad, that Poland has no set direction in politics – "Nobody knows the Polish policy" and cannot live lawfully (in Poland they think, that statutes can change the law), if later the "initium calamitatis" was even more rightly indicated in the failure of the Piast's alliance with the right hand – it should not surprise anyone or offend the so-called. Lanckorona pact, which matured at the end of May [1923 r.]. Niewiadomski's blood made this consent possible, Sikorski was unable to cement another consent. The former work of the National League on the nationalization and citizenship of the peasant, although there was no boast about it, it even bore fruit from the soil of Galicia. The most important point of the pact (Warsaw, not Lanckorona) it concerned, of course, the land reform; giving way to this section of the ZLN, as representative of all layers, he demanded an unbending defense of Polishness – and treasure.

26 On May, the Seym rejected the disposable funds requested by Sikorski, being revealed, that Dąbski's group is breaking away from the Piast club, driven by belvedere plugs. The pro-government majority promised to be very small, because now that Witos is no longer a Hamlet or a "nightmare" (the epithets Thugutt gave him), The National Workers' Party decided to take a comfortable place in the center, in the role of a tongue on the scale. Government 1 On April, it announced its annual parcelling 40 000 morga, introduction of the zloty currency, possibly expanding workers' rights. In the cabinet, the peasants had the leadership and internal affairs (Władysław Kiernik), nationalists foreign affairs (Marian Seyda), education (Głąbiński – at the same time deputy prime minister), industry and agriculture, Christian Democrats – justice, the rest of the ministries were filled with professionals without party affiliation. The first vote went well for the government (226 : 171), but the left and minorities swore upfront against ruthless opposition. Piłsudski, in protest against the "murderers", dismissed his chiefs of staff and left the army. People were to defend the parliamentary government, one of which – peasants – they knew the administration in self-governing Galicia, Moreover, their eyes were fixed on the ground, second – endecy, they showed the right instinct during the World War, they had propaganda and educational experience, but they could not yet acquire the art of ruling.

On the way of further changes, the Piasts (57) and Christian] democracy (43) they strengthened their ownership in the Cabinet to 7 single, distancing the most numerous, but a less ambitious People's National Union.

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