End of the Legislative Seym
Well, this is how the parties differed in less than two years after the holy agreement of the times of National Unity? What still connected the left with Piłsudski? It is not easy to find an answer in the current issues of the time. The announcements of the constitution awaited implementation. Various system principles, as long as they were strictly worded, were in force from the date of their announcement, so from [1 June 1921 r.]. In other cases, there were temporary regulations issued under Moraczewski or even earlier, possessive. Still others required only thorough, legal wording. The most important issues were local government and administration; it depended on the unification of districts and the increase in social energy. Poland was so clearly divided into the West and the East, presented such economic and cultural differences and contrasts, that pulling everything under one template could not give a good result; Bobrzyński warned against this in his last political enunciation, who would gladly please the Ruthenians with the autonomy of Eastern Galicia, Piłsudski – the autonomy of the Vilnius Region, Kraków has a certain separation from Warsaw. The national democrats also originally thought about the provincial government, to give more influence to the law-abiding and enlightened post-Prussian district by means of various methods, and less to the eastern illiterate and separatists, and gradually, without Prussian methods, to polonize the state. Foreign intervention on behalf of the Ruthenians cooled that readiness. The former act with 15 July (1920 r.) about the self-government of Silesia, the voivodship self-government was consulted for a long time; a separate questionnaire in contact with Bobrzyński drew up provisions on a tendency against centralism, taking into account the possibility of building a stronger senate on a sejmik basis. Under pressure from the Minister of Foreign Affairs] Narutowicz and Askenazy from Geneva, these works were accelerated, in hope, that the superpowers are all the more willing to recognize the eastern borders of the Republic of Poland. Głąbiński, however, fearing that the Polish element, mostly Ruthenian, would plunge into 3 voivodships beyond the San were given to the act 28 September [1922 r.] such a character, that it is up to the will of the central parliament to narrow or expand the independence of voivodeships. In addition, separate curias were to manage nationality in mixed voivodeships, and common matters were to be dealt with together. A large majority supported this policy of the People's National Union. It passed without any fierce fights 28 July [1922 r.] new electoral law, as democratic as the previous one, but with a few improvements. Instead of ad hoc, often unhealthy, because they are lined with private blocks of local blocks, only the factions of belief across the country were allowed to merge – what the rules would decide, not personal interests. A state list has been compiled, the seats of which were to be shared by the most numerous parties among themselves by the d'Hondt system: This is where serious politicians and professionals without demagogic skills were supposed to find their way to the chambers. Equality was respected by refusing more representation to the western lands. The ambitious people did not like it, walking alone, vote for list numbers, but there is no doubt, that a province voting for persons would give MPs inferior and overly connected with the voters.