From the reform project submitted by the government to the Seym (16 WE) learned the party, that is, who they put on the constitution, he does not think at all to "democratize" Poland. Neither expropriation without compensation, nor socialization, nor a plebiscite, ani referendum. Piłsudski and Bartel were concerned only with that, to: 1/ to be able to dissolve chambers, 2/ suspend newly enacted bills for up to a month, 3/ be able to issue decrees with the force of law – one under the authority of the chambers, the second between sessions, by law itself, in the name of state necessity, 4/ that chambers swiftly pass the budget, and if they don't pass it, then the government's estimate will become law, 5/ Members' irresponsibility must be reduced. The government press increasingly condemned "parliamentary administration" and "party", ascribing to Piłsudski the idea of fighting for a strong government and persuading him, that it was the right wing that spoiled the constitution out of spite to the marshal. In fact, as we know, nobody in 1920 r. he did not demand for the president the right to dissolve the Seym (except for the National Workers' Party), the decrees were an invention of the right, she fought with the left to curb the parliamentary abuses. Now Daszyński had to recall his propaganda for Piłsudski from the stand; the right and the center had nothing to appeal. In particular, the People's National Union, after a long delay in the face of the prevailing prejudices against the National Democratic Party, finally came up with the most comprehensive plan to strengthen both the government and the parliament, and the state in general.. However, the constitution required applicants 148 signatures (1/3 the Diet), so the clubs of the right and the center on this issue came together and worked out a common agenda, in which of the Endek postulates persisted: the law of dissolution, veto right to 3 months, Rada Stanu, Constitutional Court, increasing the age of voters and deputies, reduction in the number of seats. The fate of government and parliamentary proposals depended on Piłsudski's attitude, and he was not hiding his confidence, that the deputies will pass everything for it, "Because now they are cowardly". These voices were meant by Daszyński, when he spoke, that revolutionary shots around Belvedere have awakened herds of reactionary rooks and sparrows. The course of the discussion was characteristic. They all passed, except veto, government postulates, fallen, in the absence of a majority qualification, far-reaching conclusions of the right, because Piłsudski did not order the missing MPs from the left wing to "coward". With such a joint effort of the "dictator" and "democracy" buried, an attempt to legally repair the Republic of Poland was made mainly at the initiative of. On one important point, the government and the left rejected the principle, that a resolution of both chambers will be needed to repeal decrees. They gave Piłsudski more power, for fundamental state reasons, these defeated factions, which they knew, that he would use her against them. After what 6 [of August], again against the arguments of the right, the rest of the chamber passed a law on powers of attorney for the government, tantamount to a strong vote of confidence. Mościcki immediately used his new power, to describe the organization of the military authorities as loosely as possible, according to his friend the marshal.