Fall of the parliamentary government

Fall of the parliamentary government

Contrary to the legends spread later, the working class did not overthrow Witos and the right. She was too intelligent, to destroy someone else's work, before he thinks himself up and prepares his own. The Cabinet survived the Kraków rebellion and tried to pursue it further, what was called "financial recovery". For this purpose, an act on powers of attorney for the government has been prepared. Work on the land reform has also been accelerated; there were tendencies on the part of landlords, to maximize private property, but before this issue was brought before the Seym, A further group of deputies led by Eng. Bryla, a demagogue much worse, than Dąbski, brand. The splitters said, that, with the present government majority, “the possessing classes overwhelmingly benefit, and the population was pushed to the last poverty ". There was whispering in the lobby, that Bryl was offended, when he was denied the portfolio of the Minister of Industry, the real causes of the crisis, however, were much more serious. The fact is their measure, that when Głąbiński insisted on it, that the ministry would not yield without a trial of strength at the plenum of the Seym, Marshal Rataj declared, that he puts his stick together, because the majority that appointed him no longer exists and the council of ministers has succumbed to this necessity. Poland simply could not afford a parliamentary government: there was not enough political brain and state sense in society, too much negation and irresponsibility, when the parliamentary system everywhere relies on the potential power of government, parliament and voters. When the peaks fought for ideas, and the pit knew only how to scandalize their struggle, Any Bryl could have caused a crisis, and through Rataj could have been decided by irresponsible factors towards Poland.

Short, but this time the ministerial solstice was telling. The president got rid of Witos, which he did not like, he wanted to entrust his friend Władysław Grabski with the government. He pointed out a parliamentarian from the left – Thugutta; the president of Liberation tried to glue the government from the left, the center and the Piłsudski region. Piłsudski, however, set the principle at the forefront of his conditions, that the army cannot be a ball in the hand of the parties. It was rightly understood, that she wants to break away from responsibility to the Seym and the Christian Democracy invited to the joint table replied refusing to. Thugutt relinquished the mission to Władysław Grabski, which on 19 of December [1923 r.] he formed himself and the president an extra-parliamentary cabinet with fairly mediocre talents. The appointment of Sosnkowski as the minister of military affairs made people known, that the prime minister appreciates the importance of the Belweder camp and wants to win it over. But this trial did not last long. The president did not agree to this, that Piłsudski would be both an army inspector and a chief of staff, therefore Sosnkowski stepped down, supposedly because of too far-reaching savings in the country's defense budget. After serving for six months, M.. Zamoyski at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Aleksander Skrzyński, who had an even better relationship with the West, found himself in his place [in July 1924 r.]

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